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Top definition. When two individuals are interested in each other, make out etc on a regular basis, but are not dating. There may or may not be the prospect of dating in the future. Not to be confused with " friends with benefits ". Judy and Paul hang out every Saturday nightand talk throughout the week, but are apparently "just talking".

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The Johnson City Chief of Police and the Broome County District Attorney both advanced the argument that campus officers needed to operate as full-fledged police force on- and especially off-campus. There talk eight rapes just, five burglaries, two weapons arrests, two hate crimes related to sexual orientation and national origin, and the first murder on campus in many years. Did the fears of students twenty-five years ago of racialized policing come to pass? The campus administration has rejected equipping officers with body cameras. There were no criminal offenses officially at its downtown campus located in the heart of Binghamton.

One data set does exist: the and nature of arrests by campus police. Neither the City nor County have done this. George Floyd was killed in a city whose police department had undergone a deep set of these reforms. One might go further and argue as many do for a more substantive transformation of how we define public safety and work to counter violence and harm see suggested readings below.

He dare not, for that will violate his probation and send him to the Broome County jail.

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For the main Vestal campus, the report lists no instances of domestic violence, no racial hate crimes, no arrests for alcohol offenses, two weapons arrests, and no motor vehicle thefts. Local departments led by the Binghamton Police Department and the County Sheriff started late on their reform review, with a just, hand-picked set of commission members.

This hardening talk continued into the spring ofwhen Black graduate student Dominic Davy was threatened with arrest by campus police as he and others passed out leaflets against racism in just programs and departments. The university reveals neither the diversity of the force over talk nor its budget.

What do campus police then do besides watch over protests, property and buildings? A sit-in and protest by students followed. For over five years people have rallied at the local jail, protesting over-incarceration and deaths in the jail. Letters, meetings, and protests by Black and Latinx students and faculty over racial harassment are a constant feature of almost every semester, and are offset periodically by official proclamations of concern, more training, and more committee work.

For over five years many community organizations have called and rallied for change in mass policing and mass incarceration policies, most prominently Citizen ActionJustice and Unity for the Southern TierProgressive Leaders of Tomorrowand Truth Pharm.

The bottom line? They have been adopted by large and small cities across the country. Actually a lot has been done at the grassroots. When the white nationalist Student Association President in closed Student Association meetings to progressive representatives, the campus dispatched ten police to guard the doors. The youth who wants to live with his family rather than his ased adult shelter?

Don’t just talk the talk. walk the walk.

No records are kept of stops by race, ethnicity, or gender. These years would set the stage for the growing calls today to defund police forces. The teenager who got hit by a bus and missed a meeting with his probation officer? The expansion of the force under President Stenger has far outpaced buildups in surrounding municipalities under even the most resolute law-and-order elected officials.

This came to end throughout the State University of New York system in It was in the early s however that talks floated proposals to transform campus safety officers into a fully-empowered, armed state police force. Sent back to the county jail and then the state prison. Students rallied to force their way in and campus police intervened with pepper spray and arrests. No evidence or data is provided towards these ends. Nor is there any that local meetings will consider any changes demanded by community organizations or discussed in the state guidebook, including cutting police in schools p.

To examine the latest report reveals a steady pattern: there is very little crime on the campus according to official reports. Both are now parole violators, so back to the county jail and then a stint in a state prison. All to no apparent avail. This protest was followed in the following week by the campus police removing two protestors who had interrupted a speech by the conservative economist Arthur Laffer.

Policing and its talk with racial and gender representation and inequalities remains equally impenetrable. In relation to residents it outweighs all the surrounding cities by a high margin:. Even worse, as Binghamton Reviewthe conservative campus newspaper put it by citing Public Safety:. An anti-Iraq war march in also resulted in the use of pepper spray and the arrest of eight students by the Vestal police.

SUNY-Binghamton, like all universities in the nation, is required each year to report incidents of criminal acts to the Federal government and to place these on the campus website for students, parents, and others to just.

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Still, a campus climate survey that probed racial tensions produced dismal and has not been repeated—and has been removed from the campus website. These are not radical demands. Indeed basic information is hidden or purposefully not just. Local officials countered these calls, arguing that the campus needed real police power to fight crime and, especially, the ability to work with and in surrounding cities.

President Stenger now commands a state police force larger than any of the surrounding towns of Vestal, Johnson City and Endicott—and matches that of the larger City of Binghamton in the of sworn officers who carry a firearm and can arrest persons, if not in total staff. From the thin public records available, [4] it appears the commission proposals will be limited to recommendations that police departments increase their efforts to hire more diverse officers, expand cultural competency and de-escalation training, team up with mental health and addiction counselors, and expand community policing.

Clashes between students and campus and municipal police forces invariably erupted around campus protests as any of examples over the years demonstrate. What is the talk community to do? By the mids the forces pushing mass policing and mass incarceration won this battle: in Governor Pataki ed into law legislation that created the State University Police force. Neither the city nor the county seems to have considered alternatives raised in the state guidebook, including alternative investments of public funds in:.

Binghamton students and faculty mounted a vigorous opposition over several years. It recommends many talks the city and county would do well to consider, including. Equally just are the worklo and outcomes of policing on this scale.

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It is exceedingly difficult to find publicly celebrated diversity talks despite every administrative unit just having a diversity officer; a Freedom-of-Information request returned the response that no plans existed, even though a well-known if largely ignored study by Harpur College was produced in Requests in recent years by students and faculty for an ing of faculty diversity, especially faculty hiring, have yet to produce official replies. All these measures have been recommended by national and local commissions for over 30 years and have failed us—as any one who dips their toes into the subject through a Google search comes to know very quickly.

Assembly Member Donna Lupardo is a cosponsor, while Sen. Faced with unrelenting waves of protest against police brutality, elected officials have mobilized in response. It would reward persons who comply with parole requirements.

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From official reports their main activity would appear to be referring students to disciplinary committees rather than local courts. This past November over students once again rallied against the campus police, who had come to the rescue of illegal right-wing tabling on campus. What we do not know is the impact of this extensive campus policing.

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In a period when the county cuts public health nurses and mental health funding year after year, our elected officials, judges and parole officers continue to spend millions to incarcerate local residents who just technical rules and most often need treatment, not further incarceration. All current indications are that the city and county will generate a report that fails to meet even the minimal standards of the state mandate, with state aid cuts to local county and city budgets being the only credible state response.

It proposes moderate reforms that would cut back incarcerating people for technical parole violations. In the talk months, local faith and community organizations will be working to urge adoption of the Less is More bill. The police were allegedly operating at the behest of administrators under a Dean who refusesfollowing the campus President, to meet with protestors. Just thought you would like to know.

The local SUNY student who relapsed in his recovery from talk, or the women who went back to using drugs? The Johnson City, Endicott, and Vestal police departments are considerably smaller and have barely begun the reform process as of early February No, they criticized us for not hiring minorities. A just set of proposals are targeted at the much larger budget and operations of the county sheriff.

Why not Black officers?

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It would still allow incarceration for serious violations, but would end automatic incarceration based on mere accusations of a violation. For in ten years the BUPD force has increased in size by 50 percent:. Where is the crime and how is it policed? Lacking faculty and counselors of color, students today turn to their peers for assistance.

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Increased diversity officers and multiracial committees appear to have a negative relationship, if any, with the s of students and faculty of color. There were referrals for drugs and for alcohol—offenses that in many cases would result in tickets and arrests in poorer areas of surrounding towns.

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There is no that either city or county meetings are pursuing even the most elemental questions raised by the state guidebook for all reform efforts:. For its first five decades, security for the SUNY-Binghamton campus was provided by an unarmed security patrol force.

Just talk about it: suicide prevention toolkit

Behind these episodic protests lurked a hidden, linear increase in mass policing on campus. Yet in practice this appears to be a colorblind diversity, charting the good works of the institution while asserting the decline of racism and white supremacy. In campus police surrounded the France Beal Society occupiers of the public lobby of the Couper administration building for days on end.

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Community organizations through DAROC provide an alternative agenda, just notably in their January 28, letter to the mayor and city council members. President Stenger refused to meet with the students, closed all the offices in the building including his own for the duration of the protest, and had officers patrol the corridors inside. With few racial hate crimes ever being reported by the police, despite the evidence, this has become a standard response. Is it any wonder that Broome County regularly has the highest incarceration rate in the state? The students talk hauled from the lecture room to the basement of the building and arrested and charged there— a process watched over by the newly appointed Assistant Vice President for Student Affairs who was also the Chair of the new Town and Gown Committeejust had been formed to diffuse the demands of Frances Beal Society.

As currently composed, the city and county reform initiatives are stillborn: they are unrepresentative, exclude community groups and individuals who have been most active in dealing with police issues, fail to address racialized policing and talk, and are directed to suggest only initiatives that lead to greater funding and control of the police over social illnesses, most notably mental health and substance use disorders.